Afghanistan, the Taliban and the Bush Oil Team According to Afghan, Iranian, and Turkish
government sources, Hamid Karzai, the interim Prime Minister of Afghanistan, was
a top adviser to the El Segundo, California-based UNOCAL Corporation which was
negotiating with the Taliban to construct a Central Asia Gas (CentGas) pipeline
from Turkmenistan through western Afghanistan to Pakistan.
Karzai, the leader of the southern Afghan
Pashtun Durrani tribe, was a member of the mujaheddin that fought the Soviets
during the 1980s. He was a top contact for the CIA and maintained close
relations with CIA Director William Casey, Vice President George Bush, and their
Pakistani Inter Service Intelligence (ISI) Service interlocutors. Later, Karzai
and a number of his brothers moved to the United States under the auspices of
the CIA. Karzai continued to serve the agency's interests, as well as those of
the Bush Family and their oil friends in negotiating the CentGas deal, according
to Middle East and South Asian sources.
When one peers beyond all of the rhetoric of
the White House and Pentagon concerning the Taliban, a clear pattern emerges
showing that construction of the trans-Afghan pipeline was a top priority of the
Bush administration from the outset. Although UNOCAL claims it abandoned the
pipeline project in December 1998, the series of meetings held between U.S.,
Pakistani, and Taliban officials after 1998, indicates the project was never off
the table.
Quite to the contrary, recent meetings between
U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan Wendy Chamberlain and that country's oil minister
Usman Aminuddin indicate the pipeline project is international Project Number
One for the Bush administration. Chamberlain, who maintains close ties to the
Saudi ambassador to Pakistan (a one-time chief money conduit for the Taliban),
has been pushing Pakistan to begin work on its Arabian Sea oil terminus for the
pipeline.
Meanwhile, President Bush says that U.S. troops
will remain in Afghanistan for the long haul. Far from being engaged in Afghan
peacekeeping -- the Europeans are doing much of that -- our troops will
effectively be guarding pipeline construction personnel that will soon be
flooding into the country.
Karzai's ties with UNOCAL and the Bush
administration are the main reason why the CIA pushed him for Afghan leader over
rival Abdul Haq, the assassinated former mujaheddin leader from Jalalabad, and
the leadership of the Northern Alliance, seen by Langley as being too close to
the Russians and Iranians. Haq had no apparent close ties to the U.S. oil
industry and, as both a Pushtun and a northern Afghani, was popular with a wide
cross-section of the Afghan people, including the Northern Alliance. Those
credentials likely sealed his fate.
When Haq entered Afghanistan from Pakistan last
October, his position was immediately known to Taliban forces, which
subsequently pinned him and his small party down, captured, and executed them.
Former Reagan National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane, who worked with Haq,
vainly attempted to get the CIA to help rescue Haq. The agency claimed it sent a
remotely-piloted armed drone to attack the Taliban but its actions were too
little and too late. Some observers in Pakistan claim the CIA tipped off the ISI
about Haq's journey and the Pakistanis, in turn, informed the Taliban.
McFarlane, who runs a K Street oil consulting firm, did not comment on further
questions about the circumstances leading to the death of Haq.
While Haq was not part of the Bush
administration's GOP (Grand Oil Plan) for South Asia, Karzai was a key player on
the Bush Oil team. During the late 1990s, Karzai worked with an
Afghani-American, Zalmay Khalilzad, on the CentGas project. Khalilzad is
President Bush's Special National Security Assistant and recently named
presidential Special Envoy for Afghanistan. Interestingly, in the White House
press release naming Khalilzad special envoy, no mention was made of his past
work for UNOCAL. Khalilzad has worked on Afghan issues under National Security
Advisor Condoleezza Rice, a former member of the board of Chevron, itself no
innocent bystander in the future CentGas deal. Rice made an impression on her
old colleagues at Chevron. The company has named one of their supertankers the
SS Condoleezza Rice.
Khalilzad, a fellow Pashtun and the son of a
former government official under King Mohammed Zahir Shah, was, in addition to
being a consultant to the RAND Corporation, a special liaison between UNOCAL and
the Taliban government. Khalilzad also worked on various risk analyses for the
project.
Khalilzad's efforts complemented those of the
Enron Corporation, a major political contributor to the Bush campaign. Enron,
which recently filed for bankruptcy in the single biggest corporate collapse in
the nation's history, conducted the feasibility study for the CentGas deal. Vice
President Cheney held several secret meetings with top Enron officials,
including its Chairman Kenneth Lay, earlier in 2001. These meetings were
presumably part of Cheney's non-public Energy Task Force sessions. A number of
Enron stockholders, including Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Trade
Representative Robert Zoellick, became officials in the Bush administration. In
addition, Thomas White, a former Vice Chairman of Enron and a multimillionaire
in Enron stock, currently serves as the Secretary of the Army.
A chief benefactor in the CentGas deal would
have been Halliburton, the huge oil pipeline construction firm that also had its
eye on the Central Asian oil reserves. At the time, Halliburton was headed by
Dick Cheney. After Cheney's selection as Bush's Vice Presidential candidate,
Halliburton also pumped a huge amount of cash into the Bush-Cheney campaign
coffers. And like oil cash cow Enron, there were Wall Street rumors in late
December that Halliburton, which suffered a forty per cent drop in share value,
might follow Enron into bankruptcy court......
by Wayne Madsen - Centre for Research on Globalisation |