Freemason Jewish Dictator Mustafa Kemal was a British
Source: Ataturk, The Rebirth of a Nation,
Lord Kinross, 1965
In the large room on the first floor of his house in
Shishli the three friends talked and plotted to find a way out for their
country. They formed in effect a secret revolutionary committee, whose
aim was to force the resignation of the Government, to form a new one,
if necessary to dethrone the Sultan. But one at least of their
conferedates found Kemal too extreme. He feared the risk involved and
the committee was disbanded. Maybe, after all, revolution was not the
answer, for any attempt at it would immediately be suppressed by the
Perhaps, it occurred to Kemal, something could be achieved through the
Allies themselves. With his compelling presence and his immaculate
uniform, emblazoned with medals and with the insignia of an ADC to the
Sultan, he was already a conspicuous figure in the Pera Palace Hotel,
its mock-Oriental marble halls now teeming with officers in the
occupying forces and in the Inter-Allied High Commission. He attracted
their curiosity as soon as it became known that he was the hero of the
Dardanelles. At first he chose to keep his distance.
But now he began to see that some contact with the Allies might serve
his designs. They were, after all, in virtual control of the country.
The French had landed in Alexandretta and were pressing forward into
Cilicia. The Italians were about to land at Adalia, thence likewise to
penetrate inland. The British had control officers scattered over Turkey
from Thrace to the Caucasus, supervising demobilization and disarmament.
The Sultan was in power, and unlikely to give Kemal a post of any
consequence in the dwindling Turkish army. For what he sought -and this
was just such a national resurgence as Curzon feared- any position of
authority was better than none. Might he not obtain some post from the
Allies themselves - preferably the British, who had no ultimate
territorial designs on the country? Power obtained under their auspices,
now that they had come, might well be turned into other and more
patriotic channels once they had gone.
Deciding to sound them out indirectly, he chose as intermediary a
British correspondent of repute, G. Ward Price, of the 'Daily Mail'.
Through the manager of the Pera Palace Hotel, he sent the correspondent
an invitation to take coffee with him. After consulting the responsible
colonel in the Intelligence Branch of the General Staff, Mr Ward Price
accepted. He found Kemal not in uniform but in a frock-coat and fez. He
struck him as handsome and virile, restrained in gestures, quiet and
deliberate in voice. He was accompanied by his friend Refet.
Kemal confessed to him that his country had joined the wrong side in the
war. The Turks should never have quarrelled with the British. They had
done so as a result of Enver's pressure. They had lost - and now they
must pay heavily. Anatolia was to be divided. Kemal was anxious that the
French should be kept out of the country. A British administration would
be less unpopular.
"If the British," he said, "are going to assume the responsibility for
Anatolia, they will need the co-operation of experienced Turkish
governors to work under them. What I want to know is the proper quarter
to which I can offer my services in that capacity."
Ward Price gave the staff colonel an account of the interview. He
dismissed it as unimportant, remarking, "There will be a lot of these
Turkish generals looking for jobs before long."
Freemason Mustafa Kemal was a British agent - Exhibit
A newspaper article about Freemason Jewish Dictator
Mustafa Kemal which verifies that he was working for the British..
Source: The Sunday Times (London), February 11, 1968,
HOW OUR MAN DECLINED TO RULE TURKEY
In November 1938 Kemal Ataturk, President of Turkey, lay dying. During
the 15 years of his stern dictatorship, he had dragged a reluctant
Turkey forcibly into the 20th century. He had outlawed the fez and the
veil. He had broken the powers of Islam. He had introduced the Latin
Now, on his deathbed, Ataturk feared it would be impossible to find a
successor able to continue his work. He summoned Sir Percy Loraine, the
British Ambassador, to the presidential palace in Istanbul. What passed
between them has remained secret for nearly 30 years. It is revealed for
the first time by Piers Dixon, in his life of his father, Sir Pierson
Dixon ("Double Diploma," to be published by Hutchinson this week). Among
Pierson Dixon's papers was a telegram from Percy Loraine to the Foreign
Secretary, Lord Halifax. In what is surely one of the strangest of all
documents of recent British history, Loraine recounts his bizarre
interview with the dying dictator:
" On my arrival . . . I found His Excellency propped up by pillows with
two doctors and two nurses in attendance. . . . On my entry the
President dismissed the doctors and the nurses, telling them curtly that
he would ring if he required anything . . .
His Excellency then spoke to me slowly but carefully. He said that he
had sent for me because, while he wished in no way to place me in an
unfair position, he had an urgent request to make of me to which he
hoped I would return a straight reply.
I would, no doubt recall the many interviews that I had had with him in
the past. This might well be the last. In the course of a long and
adventurous career, he had made and lost many friends and had taken and
discarded much advice. My friendship and my advice was the one which he
valued most because it had been the most consistent. It was for this
reason that on various occasions . . . he had consulted me as freely as
though I had been a Turkish Cabinet Minister myself.
It was his prerogative as President of the Republic to nominate a
successor before his demise. His most earnest wish was that I should
succeed him as President, and for this reason he wished to know what my
reactions would be to this proposal.
After some minutes of silent reaction I told His Excellency in reply
that I was quite unable to formulate any words which adequately
expressed my feelings. Indeed, I was at that moment more deeply moved
than I could ever remember being at any other time in my career.
By his proposal His Excellency had paid a unique compliment not only to
me personally but also to the foreign policy of His Majesty's
Government. . . . His Excellency would realize that I had spent the
greater part of my life in the service of H M (His Majesty's, HD). . . .
I hoped that I might have many years of such service still in front of
me. His Excellency had asked for a straight answer and I would give him
that answer. I gravely doubted whether my best qualities lay in the
administrative sphere. The responsibilities of a President of the
Turkish Republic were vastly different from those of a British
Ambassador and I felt that my abilities and experience were best
employed by continuing in the latter capacity. . . . I must therefore
regretfully but firmly decline.
When I had finished speaking the President showed signs of great
emotion. He sank back on the pillows and rang for his nurses, who
administered a restorative.
When he was able to speak again His Excellency informed me he fully
understood the reasons which had influenced my decision; he was good
enough to say that, though bitterly disappointed, it was in a sense the
reply he would have expected from me. He would therefore nominate Ismet
Inonu in my place.
Ataturk then raised himself on his elbows and grasped my hand. He
thanked me for what I had done for the furtherance of Anglo-Turkish
friendship and then sank back in an unconscious state. I accordingly
deemed it best to withdraw.
I shall be most grateful if I can receive from your Lordship a message
of approval of the action which I have taken.
" Please inform the King. "